A letter to the Daily Telegraph which was published on 24th June 1999.

Tony Blair, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, made it clear in his Belfast speech last week that the concerns of Irish republicans, dedicated to wrenching the United Kingdom apart, are as valid as those of Unionists, dedicated to upholding it (report, June 15th).  The Unionists are portrayed as the obstacle to setting up devolved government because they decline to do what no other democracy has ever done, namely admit into government a party linked to a terrorist organisation.

As one act of appeasement of the IRA follows another, the Sinn Fein proportion of the nationalist/republican vote rises in step.  In the 1992 general election, which ushered in the “peace process”, the proportion was 28 per cent; in the recent Euro-elections (with a Northern Ireland turnout of almost 60 per cent) the proportion has risen to nearly 40 per cent.

The unambiguous plan for the handing over of arms by the Kosovo Liberation Army announced by Nato contrasts with the endless prevarication over the same issue by Sinn Fein/IRA.  Imposing moral principles on Serbia by virtually risk-free bombing is one thing.  Upholding democratic principles in the face of an opponent such as Sinn Fein/IRA, able and willing to inflict real damage – well, that for Mr Blair is evidently a different matter altogether.

A letter to the Daily Telegraph which was published on 15th April 1998.

David Trimble’s article (April 13th) shows how, sadly, he has mistaken fair words for concrete actions.  What he has agreed to is the most complex job-creation scheme for politicians imaginable without dealing with the central issue, the handover of IRA weaponry.

The only things that will actually be done are all things detrimental to the British position: an effective veto by the Irish on the functioning of the proposed Northern Ireland Assembly (strand 2, article 13); admission of Sinn Fein to executive power (strand 1, article 16); extension of the Irish government’s involvement in UK affairs (strand 3, article 5).

Under what should properly be called “security for terrorists”,  Army surveillance installations will be dismantled (section 2 (ii)), Army numbers reduced (2 (i)) and emergency powers removed (2 (iii)).

For 30 years the security forces have been handicapped by insistence on treating terrorists as non-political civil offenders.  Tony Blair and Mr Trimble, both lawyers by profession, now agree to the premature release on political grounds of people found guilty of the most wicked of crimes.  The next time Mr Blair chatters about the rule of law, we will at least know what he is not talking about.

Mr Trimble could have bargained for a tariff – say 10 man-years of remission for every ton of weapons given up.  Unless this connection is made, the Northern Ireland people – of both communities – would be well advised to vote No.

A letter to the Daily Telegraph which was published on 15th May 1995.

In November 1993, Mr Major told the House of Commons that it would “turn my stomach to talk to IRA terrorists”.

In August 1994, at the time of the IRA ceasefire, the Government said that before it would enter into talks with the IRA/Sinn Fein they must surrender their weapons.

In January and February this requirement was reduced to the IRA merely showing evidence of substantial “decommissioning”.  Now all that is required of the IRA/Sinn Fein is to be prepared to talk about decommissioning, as if that means anything.

Mr Major was recently subjected to personal humiliation at the hands of an IRA/Sinn Fein mob, who later graciously let him visit a museum in the middle of a British city.  Mr Major said that he would have to consider very carefully whether next week’s Government-Sinn Fein talks would go ahead in the light of this outrage.  His pathetic protests having been contemptuously brushed aside, the talks are going ahead anyway.

This is the classic path of discreditable appeasement.  The IRA hold Mr Major and his Government in much the same contempt, as after Munich, Hitler held Chamberlain, whom Mr Major is said to admire.

In Europe, Mr Major’s Government is regarded in similar light: huffing and puffing, but always giving way in the end.

The British public sees these things.  Their attitude to Mr Major now has very little to do with the economy, feelgood factors, taxation, or any “policy” matter.  They simply have no respect for him.

If the Tory grandees can’t bring themselves to dump him now, in 1997 the British electorate will dump them.